Ghana is one of the largest producers of shea nuts in the world, and shea butter export accounts for 25% of the total national exports (Mohammed & Al-hassan (2013)). Shea trees (Vitellaria paradoxa) have been botanically recorded in 21 countries in the savannah zone of Sub-Saharan Africa (Chalfin, 2004; Naughton et al., 2015). Northern Ghana is located in the savannah belt, where the shea industry is vibrant. In Ghana about one (1) million women are active in the shea industry either through wage employment or by picking shea kernels, the core of the shea fruits (Alhassan, 2015).
Traditionally, women processed shea kernels into nuts, then to shea butter, a stearic/oleic rich edible oil consumed locally. Shea fruits are consumed as food, whereas internationally, shea butter is an ingredient in the pharmaceutical and conglomerate cosmetic and confectionery industries. Shea income accrues during the lean season and it is largely earned by women, a third of the household income comes from the sale of shea nuts (WFP 2010; WFP 2009).
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, following the global economic crisis, the government of Ghana liberalised the shea industry, within the framework of structural adjustment reforms. Those efforts were expected to foster economic growth, stimulate rural development and create employment opportunities, especially in rural areas. The economic transformation encouraged foreign investors to play a role in expanding the shea trade.
The market shifts in the shea sector, from local to global consumption of shea commodities called for modifications in the methods of production and created a need for enhanced entrepreneurial skills and improved knowledge to meet the new market demands. In addition to linkages with foreign investors, there are also men active in the trade, and they often hold the middle-level positions in the shea trade.
The multinational companies that market shea commodities and ensure smooth export of shea-nuts and –butter for further industrial processing abroad, work with market agents (male and female) who are the intermediaries between the companies and the shea processors at community level. Additionally, the buying companies introduced quality standards and certification measures to ensure that the shea commodities produced meet international standards. Such transformation demand knowledge and skills that meet the requirements of the global shea market, which many a times, favour those with a formal education to the detriment of the less fortunate.
This research is the first known attempt to examine entrepreneurship education and trainings in the Ghana shea industry. The findings show that shea processing is still largely done by women although no longer individually, but in groups, working together at shea production centres. Further changes include new production methods, the presence of foreign certification bodies, cooperatives as well as microcredit organizations that lend money to local groups of shea traders (Chalfin, 1996; Al-hassan, 2015). Equally important are the entrepreneurship training interventions by local and international development agencies in Northern Ghana. The interventions are largely financed by the donor community, either through bilateral agreements or NGOs social programs. The donor community, sometimes in collaboration with government agencies, has played a crucial role in enhancing entrepreneurial skills and disseminating knowledge and expertise amongst shea producers, and enhancing market access. They organize shea producers, majority of them women with no formal education, in groups to train them so that they remain viable in the new shea industry. The training ranges from quality production methods, leadership skills, and basic financial skills, among others. Such trainings, offered in local language, have been instrumental in enhancing the skills set of the shea producers in the Northern territories, despite their lack of formal education (Al-hassan, 2015).
The current organogram of the shea butter processing centres borrows from the traditional shea trade management system, which existed way before the restructurings of the Ghana shea industry. The most experienced women shea producers, although without formal education, hold leadership positions in the centres. They work with founders/owners of the centres and with (mostly) male secretaries who have formal education. Which shows that traditional and modern systems of production can run parallel to each other and give an impetus to an industry. Despite the changes as a result of the export policy, today, the Ghana shea industry is still largely dominated by women; and has to a large extent remained a ‘women’s business’. Therefore, policy reforms need to be examined properly before implementation. Moreover, the means to achieving success in such reforms require a holistic approach, taken carefully and as part of longer term efforts to benefit future generations.
Key words: Entrepreneurship Education and Training; Entrepreneurship and Innovation in Africa; Women Empowerment in the Ghana Shea Industry; Vitellaria Paradoxa; Structural Adjustment programmes; Global Economic Crisis.