A major concern of Raufu Mustapha was differentiation in Nigerian rural society. In September 2017 I made my first return visit in almost 20 years to my Hausa research villlage in southern Katsina - and my first since publishing Morality and Economic Growth in Rural West Africa (2014, Berghahn Books). In that book, I proposed that between 1976 and 1998, rural differentiation in those parts of Hausaland marked by high population density and intensive market networks, could be theorized as resulting from a trajectory of non-capitalist accumulation. Capital accumulation exists in such areas but is highly inflected by 'polygynous accumulation' (the accumulation of wives and children) and 'cliental accumulation' (the accumulation of clients and trading friends). All three accumulative forms are integrated through a culturally specific morality influenced by conversion to Islam - the ethics of hidima (social responsibility for others). This morality interprets growth in 'wealth' (dukiya) primarily in terms of the extension and provisioning of the family in its social relations with other families. It gives precedence to these over the acquisition of monetized assets. Does my recent fieldwork suggest that the trajectory of non-capitalist accumulation still holds after twenty years? How are we to interpret the widespread purchasing of farmland and other monetized assets? This paper analyzes my recent evidence for key accumulators - the growth in their family sizes and patterns of investment. It compares this with evidence on family size and economic activity from much smaller farmers. I situate these comparisons in a much larger totality - the extraordinary rise in rural population since 1998; the upward pull on rural labour rates resulting from the attraction of work in urban centres; the impact on markets of civil insecurity in Nigeria; the influence of Islamic beliefs on inheritance practices.