11:00 - 12:30
Parallel sessions 2
11:00 - 12:30
Room: HSZ - 7E02
Chair/s:
Elena Albu, Francesca Capuano
Negation has long been a central topic in psychology, linguistics and the cognitive sciences with interest in its nature and functions continuing to grow. Understanding negation is cognitively demanding: negative sentences are often associated with higher processing costs and error rates. A prominent view holds that comprehending negation involves representing two mental models—the negated situation and the actual one —and selectively inhibiting the former. Despite the early emergence of no in children’s vocabularies, full mastery of sentential negation develops relatively late. Beyond its role as a logical operator, negation serves diverse discourse functions, from denying plausible assumptions to correcting misinformation. While negation is a linguistic universal, its realization varies substantially across languages, and the processing consequences of these differences remain underexplored. Moreover, the influence of negation extend beyond language, shaping memory, attitudes, and behavior.

Part 2 turns to acquisition and to influences of negation beyond language proper. Ulrike Schild shows that even two-year-olds struggle with sentential negation: an eye-tracking study finds no processing difference between “This is a mora” and “This is not a mora.” Chiara Boila examines whether preschoolers—whose executive functions are still maturing—face particular difficulty with negative utterances that require maintaining two pieces of information simultaneously. The remaining three contributions explore how negation shapes cognition outside the linguistic system: Emanuel Schütt investigates its role in attitude formation; Parker Smith tests ironic effects of negation on behavior; and Amit Singh asks how negative utterances influence event apprehension and contrast.
Submission 204
Children Learning German Do Not Understand Linguistic Negation until the Age of Two
SymposiumTalk-01
Presented by: Ulrike Schild
Ulrike SchildBarbara KaupClaudia Friedrich
University of Tübingen, Germany
Various studies involving children learning English were unable to demonstrate any understanding of verbal negation in toy search tasks before the age of 27 months. However, a recent study involving 24-month-old children learning French has shown that they take linguistic negations into account when learning new object names (de Carvalho et al., 2021, Developmental Science, 24, e13085, Experiment 2). In the present study, we tried to replicate the results of de Carvalho and co-workers by avoiding any non-verbal cues that could distinguish the negation condition from the affirmation condition (such as shaking one's head or less positive facial expressions). We tested 48 18-to-24-month-old children learning German. During a familiarization trial, all children saw a picture of a stuff toy and a video of a person using a novel name several times (“Mora”). For half of the children, the person produced affirmative sentences during the familiarization, e.g., “Yes, this is a Mora.”. For the other half of the children, the person produced negated sentences, e.g. “No, this is not a Mora.”. In a test trial, children saw the stuff toy from the familiarization trial next to a new stuff toy and where asked: “Where is the Mora?”. Preregistered, planned analyses did not replicate any differences between the affirmation condition and the negation condition during the test trial (neither in the means nor in the cluster-based permutation analysis of the time course). Our data are in line with previous research revealing that linguistic negation is only understood after the age of two.