Polarization is a major factor in democratic decay. While ideological polarization is relatively stable, affective polarization, the process of feeling close to one’s partisan in-group and distant from partisan out-groups, has globally increased. Despite the focus on the United States, many questions are left unanswered for both developed and developing democracies. Is affective polarization an issue for strong partisans or the general population? Who is the target of out-party animus, is it the out-party elites, members or voters? How can we mitigate affective polarization? Does contact between strong partisans foster less polarization?

Using an original and unique three-wave panel of party members and supporters of a new political party in Romania, just before and after legislative elections, our pre-registered investigation targets three questions: 1) Does contact with strong partisans of an out-party in a precinct during election day decrease affective polarization; 2) Which agent of the out-party is polarization mostly directed toward; 3) How strong is affective polarization in a post-communist democracy, with a communist successor party. We argue that: 1) sustained contact should reduce polarization towards equal status members of the least liked party (members and voters), but not for opposed party’s leaders; and 2) initial polarization should be mainly targeted toward the out-party elites.

This research provides a deeper understanding of affective polarization in developing democracies, offers a new database of party members and delegates in polling stations and is a seminal investigation of the effects contact between strong partisans might have on polarization.